Statistical Yearbook for Asia and the Pacific 2012
 
   
E. Women’s empowerment
 
E.1. Women’s empowerment

The concept of women’s empowerment broadly refers to a process that increases women’s “options, choices, control and power” through women’s own agency.1 Women’s empowerment is recognized as a right in itself as well as a transformative tool with a multiplier effect for achieving progress in all other areas of social and economic development.2 It is well established that women’s empowerment plays a pivotal role in attaining gender equality, poverty reduction and other internationally agreed development goals.

Women’s empowerment leads to a transformation of the structural factors, social determinants and unequal power relations that underpin widespread and persistent gender inequalities that result in women’s unequal access to opportunities and resources across all areas of political, economic, social and cultural life. As women’s empowerment is a context-specific, dynamic process with diverse intersecting variables, it remains a latent and unobservable phenomenon.

The present topic provides a snapshot analysis of selected indicators and proxies that measure enabling factors for, and barriers to, women’s empowerment in the economic and political spheres. Violence against women will also be discussed due to its far-reaching impact on women’s experience of empowerment across all spheres.

Despite economic growth in the Asian and Pacific region, the economic empowerment of women lags behind. Targeted policy measures facilitating women’s economic empowerment must be adopted.

Although employment in Asia and the Pacific has been increasing at an average annual rate of 1.3 per cent or more since 2002, female employment as a proportion of male employment has not registered much increase since the early 1990s.

In order to measure women’s economic empowerment, several enabling factors can be considered as proxies. For instance, the gender gap in employment captures the status of women’s labour force participation relative to that of men’s, indicating the extent of gender equitable access to employment. As a proportion of male employment, female employment in the Asian and Pacific region has hovered at about 62 to 65 per cent since the early 1990s, which mirrors the global average. Notable variations between subregions exist, with North and Central Asia having just above 90 females employed for every 100 males, and South and South-West Asia counting just above 36 females employed for every 100 males.

Another indicator to consider is the employmentpopulation ratio, consistently indicating lower rates for women, which for the region stands at 48.0 per cent for women compared with 76.0 per cent for men. There are, however, great variations between subregions, with the ratio for women in East and North-East Asia standing at 62.7 per cent and the ratio for women in South and South-West Asia at 29.4 per cent.

Data indicate that women are overrepresented in sectors and positions that are vulnerable, poorly paid and less secure. For instance, in the Asian and Pacific region in 2012, 42.0 per cent of employed females are in agricultural employment compared with 36.0 per cent of employed males, and 28.9 per cent of females are engaged as contributing family workers compared with 9.2 per cent of males.

A positive trend in the region is the reduced gender gap in employers, with an increase of 8 per cent of female employers relative to male employers within 10 years (from 22.6 per cent in 2002 to 30.5 per cent in 2012). This is a greater increase than the global average, which stood at 23.5 per cent in 2002 and 28.5 per cent in 2012. This reflects, among other things, women’s increased entrepreneurial activities. Women-owned small and medium-sized enterprises are growing at an annual rate of 10 per cent in Malaysia.3 In 2006 in the Philippines, 69 per cent of nascent business owners and 51 per cent of new business owners were female, compared with 34 per cent of established business owners.4 In spite of this progress, women-owned enterprises are consistently smaller and concentrated in less profitable sectors than men-owned equivalents.5 Although reasons for this vary, women’s lower education levels, riskaverse investment behaviour, lower access to loans and collateral, and childcare and household responsibilities are contributing factors.

Women’s wages continue to remain lower than men’s.

Figure E.1-1
Gender wage gap for selected Asian and Pacific countries and areas, 2010

Figure E.1-1 Gender wage gap for selected Asian and Pacific countries and areas, 2010Figure E.1-1 shows that, across the region, women continue to earn less than men. Factors contributing to the wage gap reflect: (a) women’s interrupted work lives, periods of part-time work, or total hours worked for those in full-time employment; (b) men and women’s choices and capabilities, or a lack thereof, due to structural gender imbalances, in terms of accessing education and other forms of support that provide them with the skills required to achieve desired work outcomes; (c) occupation segregation, that is, the tendency for women to be underrepresented in managerial or highpaying professions; (d) gendered discriminatory practices and barriers (for instance in recruitment procedures and selection criteria, promotion, training and skill development) that hamper women’s advancement; and (e) women’s lower remuneration for the same or comparable tasks within and across occupational groups and industries. Measuring the impact of these determinants on the gender wage gap continues to be challenging. In Australia, which has a persistently high gender wage gap, research identified that “simply being a woman” accounted for a 60 per cent difference between men’s and women’s incomes. Other causal factors were industrial segregation (25 per cent), underrepresentation of women with vocational qualifications (5 per cent) and underrepresentation of women in large firms (3 per cent).6

In terms of regional trajectories, some countries of the Asian and Pacific region have experienced a considerable reduction in the gender wage gap, while others have witnessed an increase. It is important to note that a narrowing of the gender wage gap may be due less to a rise in women’s wages than to a decrease in men’s wages, especially in the light of the recent economic crisis.7 Furthermore, due to the underlying complexities contributing to the gender wage gap, the assumption that the gap would narrow and be eliminated with increased economic and social development does not hold true.8 Labour markets do not operate gender neutrally, that is, with equal opportunities and equitable outcomes for men and women. Rather, they are shaped by prevailing social norms and customary divisions of work.

Box E.1-1
Gender wage gap widens with age and motherhood

A study carried out by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) found that the gender wage gap increased with age. Thus, the gender gap in mean earnings for full-time employees in the Republic of Korea for 25-29 years of age was 10 per cent compared with 47 per cent for employees aged 40-44 years. Similarly, the 1970-1974 cohort had an 11 per cent gap in 1998, which had increased to 33 per cent for the same cohort by 2008. The study also measured the cost of motherhood, noting that the gender gap in median earnings varied starkly depending on the presence of at least one child. Thus, for Korean women without children, the gender wage gap stood at 13 per cent compared with 46 per cent for women with children. For Japan, the figures were 23.5 per cent and 60.9 per cent respectively, and for Australia -3 per cent and 19 per cent, respectively.

Source: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Closing the Gender Gap: Act Now (2012).

Box E.1-2
Women’s access to and control over land

Women’s economic empowerment is not only about generating an adequate and fair wage – it is equally important that women control income, assets and other resources. For instance, in 2010, in terms of land ownership, individual land titles held by women accounted for about 5 per cent of land ownership in Bangladesh, 13 per cent in Kyrgyzstan and 28 per cent in Thailand.a As part of the land reform process that was started in Viet Nam in 1998, when collectively held long-term use rights to land were reconfigured as individually held long-term use rights, women received only 10 per cent of the redistributed land rights, due to the low number of women registered as heads of households.b An additional subset of women in the region are registered as secondary land right holders through male family members, leaving them in precarious situations in cases of violence and abuse by male family members, divorce, widowhood or male family members’ migration.

In Pacific island developing economies, almost all land is customarily owned and transferred through traditional cultural systems, whereby women and men access land through customary arrangements and not through purchase. This is the case for over 90 per cent of the land in the Cook Islands, the Marshall Islands, Nauru, Niue, Papua New Guinea, Tuvalu and Vanuatu. Women do not have a right to own land independent of a male relative, but only as an extension of socially constructed gendered roles as daughters, wives or mothers. This increases women’s economic dependence on men, discourages them from investing in land as a productive resource beyond subsistence farming, and denies women decision-making rights based on informed consent over land usage, investments and formal agreements on land rights.c

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a United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, “Gender and land rights: understanding complexities; adjusting policies”, Economic and Social Perspectives Policy Brief, No. 8 (March 2010).
b Ibid.
c Australian Agency for International Development, Making Land Work: Volume One – Reconciling Customary Land and Development in the Pacific (2008), pp. 4, 81-86.
Women still bear the burden of unremunerated productive work.

Another barrier to women’s economic empowerment is their time spent on unremunerated productive work. Figures indicate that women continue to shoulder the major share of unremunerated household management and caregiving responsibilities. For instance, in Pakistan, women spend 5.5 hours on housework and 1.2 hours on childcare daily, while men spend 2.5 hours on housework and 0.2 hours on childcare. In Cambodia, women spend 4.4 hours on housework and 0.9 hours on childcare, whereas men spend 3.3 hours and 0.1 hours, respectively.9 In Japan, women spend 3 hours and 19 minutes more than their male counterparts on unpaid work, while this figure rises to 4 hours and 26 minutes for India.10 OECD estimates based on national time-use surveys show that women spend between 100 and 200 minutes more per day on unremunerated productive work than men in Australia, China, New Zealand and the Republic of Korea, while Turkish women spend on average 4.3 hours more each day on unremunerated productive work than men.11 Rapidly ageing populations in the Asian and Pacific region add to women’s already stretched care burden.

Women’s unremunerated productive work serves as an unaccounted for and often unrecognized contribution to social protection, and acts as a subsidy to State provisioning by bridging infrastructural gaps in social protection and insurance coverage.12 In times of economic hardship, women increase their domestic activities to compensate for falling household income or increased expenditures. Women’s interrupted and at times precarious links to income-generating work, especially formal decent employment, result in women’s lower access to contributory social security measures, such as old age pensions, unemployment benefits and disability allowances.13

Figure E.1-2
Women’s share of part-time employment, selected Asian and Pacific countries, 2011

Figure E.1-2 Women’s share of part-time employment, selected Asian and Pacific countries, 2011More data are therefore needed to understand women’s and men’s differentiated use of time over the course of their life cycles, as well as possible public measures that could ease women’s time crunch. Otherwise, women’s unremunerated productive work will continue to limit their full economic participation, which results in their greater uptake of part-time or seasonal work. Currently, national household or labour force surveys show women’s share of part-time employment out of total part-time employment to be between 55.5 per cent in Hong Kong, China and 73 per cent in New Zealand.

Source: United Nations Statistics Division: Statistics and Indicators on Women and men, Table 5b available at http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/indwm/

Women continue to be underrepresented at every level of political participation and decision-making.

Figure E.1-3
Women’s participation in national parliaments, Asia and the Pacific, 2012

Figure E.1-3 Women’s participation in national parliaments, Asia and the Pacific, 2012Women’s participation in the political arena and in decision-making is of key importance as it allows women to influence the social, economic and political conditions that affect their daily lives. The numerical presence of women across a broad range of decision-making forums alone provides only a proxy indicator of the actual influence of female decision makers. Their influence depends on whether and how they represent issues of strategic importance to women. Nevertheless, evidence indicates that the presence of more women in parliaments and civil service and on company boards brings results above those that could have been achieved had women not been represented.14

At the Fourth World Conference on Women, Member States agreed to set “specific targets and implementing measures to substantially increase the number of women with a view to achieving equal representation of women and men, if necessary through positive action, in all governmental and public administration positions.”15 Currently, only three countries in the Asian and Pacific region have attained the critical mass of 30 per cent female representation, which by international consensus is considered significant to ensure meaningful change. These are Nepal (33.2 per cent), Timor-Leste (32.3 per cent) and New Zealand (32.2 per cent). Some countries, such as Afghanistan (27.7 per cent), the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (25.0 per cent), Australia (24.7 per cent), Viet Nam (24.4 per cent) and Kazakhstan (24.3 per cent), are approaching the target. This is partly a result of quotas and reserved seats for women in parliament. Women’s representation in the Pacific lags significantly behind both other Asian and Pacific subregions and the world average. Among the 13 countries in the Pacific for which data were available, 9 have either no women or less than 5 per cent of seats held by women in the national parliament.

Figure E.1-4
Women’s share in ministerial positions, Asia and the Pacific (reflecting appointments up to 1 January 2012)

Figure E.1-4 Women’s share in ministerial positions, Asia and the Pacific (reflecting appointments up to 1 January 2012)With respect to women in ministerial level positions, New Zealand is ranked highest in the region, with 28.6 per cent female ministers. It is followed by Timor-Leste (23.1 per cent), the Federated States of Micronesia (22.2 per cent), Maldives (21.4 per cent), Australia (20.7 per cent), Kiribati (20.0 per cent), the Philippines (18.2 per cent), and Georgia, Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation with 15.8 per cent each. At the low end are Cambodia (4.9 per cent), Turkey (4.0 per cent) and Azerbaijan (2.9 per cent). Seven Asian and Pacific countries have no female ministers, namely Bhutan, Brunei Darussalam, Nauru, Papua New Guinea, Singapore, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu.16

Box E.1-3
Private sector board and managerial level positions held by women

Research on the largest 100 domestic companies by market capitalization in Australia; China; Hong Kong, China; India; Malaysia; New Zealand and Singapore found that only Australia had more than 10 per cent female board directors, with 11.2 per cent. Hong Kong, China ranked second (8.6 per cent), followed by China (8.1 per cent), Malaysia (7.8 per cent), New Zealand (7.5 per cent), Singapore (6.4 per cent) and India (4.7 per cent)a Moreover, half of the 700 boards examined had no female directors at all.b A similar study found that Japanese and Korean boards had 2 per cent and 1 per cent women’s representation, respectively.c

Countries in the Asian and Pacific region hold 10 of the top 20 positions in global rankings for the highest percentage of women in senior management, with significant variations across the region. China is the global leader with a 51 per cent share of managerial level positions held by women, followed by the Philippines and Georgia with 37 per cent, Thailand and Viet Nam with 36 per cent and 33 per cent, respectively, and the Russian Federation with 31 per cent. At the lower end are Australia with 22 per cent of managerial level positions held by women, India with 19 per cent and Japan with 7 per cent.d

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a A. Yi, “Mind the gap: half of Asia’s boards have no women, a risky position for governance and growth” (Korn/Ferry Institute, 2011), p. 2.
b Ibid., p. 3.
c McKinsey and Company, “Women matter: an Asian perspective – harnessing female talent to raise corporate performance” (June 2012), p. 2.
d Grant Thornton International, Women in Senior Management: Setting the Stage for Growth – Grant Thornton International Business Report 2013 (2013), pp. 3 and 7.
Violence against women (VAW), a serious human rights violation affecting every country, culture and context across the Asian and Pacific region, impedes women’s empowerment.

VAW specifically refers to all forms of violence that primarily, and most of the time exclusively, targets women because of their gender.17 In addition to intimate and non-intimate physical, sexual and psychological abuse, other forms of VAW, such as human trafficking, early and forced marriage, son preference, acid attacks, “honour crimes,” and dowry deaths, are prominent in some contexts in Asia and the Pacific. VAW in conflict and post-conflict settings, in particular sexual violence, is an ongoing atrocity.

A variety of indicators and data sources have been used to measure VAW. Administrative records, such as police, court and health sector records, are not a sufficient source of statistics for measurement. Reasons for this include both low reporting rates and unreliable public record keeping. If at all, formal records can provide only estimates of the number of survivors who have sought out specific services, not the prevalence or incidence rate of violence.

Efforts are underway to produce reliable and comparable global statistical indicators for measuring VAW. In its resolution 61/143 of 19 December 2006, the General Assembly of the United Nations requested the Statistical Commission to develop methodologies of data collection and a core set of international indicators to support Member States in assessing the scope, prevalence and incidence of VAW. Attention to ethical and safety considerations is required when generating data on VAW as the process can potentially identify and expose both victims as well as perpetrators to their families and communities. To this date, a set of guidelines for producing statistics on VAW and nine core indicators have been developed.

Many studies measuring the prevalence of VAW focus on domestic violence, or intimate partner violence, as it is the most pervasive form of VAW.18 Women are typically the main respondents to these types of surveys. The data generated indicate consistently high levels of VAW, ranging from about 20 per cent to 60 per cent of ever-partnered or ever-married women in both rural and urban settings across the Asian and Pacific region.19

To understand the perpetration of VAW, more studies have been conducted recently with men as the main respondents. A study in four districts in Sri Lanka found that, of ever-partnered men, 36 per cent reported committing physical or sexual violence against an intimate partner in their lifetime, 40.7 per cent admitted to having emotionally abused their intimate partners and 18 per cent admitted to having committed an economically abusive act against their intimate partners.20 In Bangladesh, a survey in one urban area and one rural area showed that 55 per cent of urban and 57 per cent rural male respondents reported to having used physical or sexual violence against an intimate partner, 52 per cent of urban and 46 per cent of rural male respondents admitted to having committed emotional abuse against an intimate partner, and 16 per cent of urban and 18 per cent of rural male respondents admitted to having perpetrated economic violence against an intimate partner.21

Box E.1-4
Costing of violence against women

Beyond the debilitating physical and emotional toll on women, their families and communities, VAW has an economic price tag. The full cost is immense, in terms of costs to the health system, the justice system and other service providers; lost wages and productivity of survivors as well as perpetrators; and the intergenerational cost of children missing out on education and other opportunities. A costing study in Australia on domestic violence estimated a total annual cost of $A 8.1 billion for 2002-2003, and a total lifetime cost of $A 224,470 per survivor of domestic violence.a Another study estimated the cost of domestic violence in Viet Nam to be nearly 1.4 per cent of GDP for 2010 as a result of out-of-pocket expenditures and lost earnings. The study also found that women experiencing violence earned 35 per cent less than those not abused, and the overall lost productivity was estimated at 1.8 per cent of GDP in 2010.b

____________________
a Access Economics, The Cost of Domestic Violence to the Australian Economy: Part I (Australia, 2004), pp. vii and viii.
a Nata Duvvury, Nguyen Huu Minh and Patricia Carney, Estimating the Cost of Domestic Violence against Women in Viet Nam (UN-Women, 2012).

Further reading

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. The State of Food and Agriculture: Women in Agriculture – Closing the Gender Gap for Development. Rome, 2011. Available from www.fao.org/docrep/013/i2050e/i2050e.pdf.

Report of the Secretary-General on gender statistics. E/CN.3/2013/10. Available from http://unstats.un.org/unsd/statcom/doc13/2013-10-GenderStats-E.pdf.

United Nations. The World’s Women 2010: Trends and Statistics. Sales No. E.10.XVII.11. Available from http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/Worldswomen/ WW_full%20report_color.pdf.

United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women. Progress of the World’s Women 2011-2012: In Pursuit of Justice. 2011. Available from http://progress.unwomen.org/pdfs/EN-Report-Progress.pdf.

World Bank. World Development Report 2012: Gender Equality and Development. Washington DC, 2011. Available from http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWDR2012/Resources/7778105- 1299699968583/7786210-1315936222006/Complete-Report.pdf.

Technical notes

Women’s empowerment defined
The United Nations Population Division identifies five components of women’s empowerment: women’s sense of self-worth; the right of choice; the right of access to opportunities and resources; the right to have the power to control their own lives (in and outside the home); and the ability to influence the direction of social change to create a more just social and economic order, nationally and internationally. Women’s empowerment is illustrated to some degree through the indicators in the present topic, but it is also linked to many indicators in the Yearbook, such as those in the sections on health, education and knowledge, poverty and insecurity, and economy.

Employment-sex ratio: overall and nonagricultural employment (employed females per 100 employed males)
The ratio of employed women to employed men. The overall ratio includes all employment sectors; non-agricultural employment includes all sectors other than agriculture. Indicator calculations: Employed females divided by employed males. Aggregate calculations: The Employment Trends Unit of the International Labour Organization (ILO) calculates aggregate employed women and employed men for each economic, regional and subregional group. The aggregate sex ratio is calculated as aggregate employed women to aggregate employed men.

Employer-sex ratio (female employers per 100 male employers)
The ratio of female employers to male employers. Indicator calculations: Female employers divided by male employers. Aggregate calculations: The ILO Employment Trends Unit calculates aggregate female employers and male employers for each economic, regional and subregional group. The aggregate sex ratio is calculated as aggregate female employers to aggregate male employers.

Agriculture, industry and services employment: female and male (percentage of employed females or males)
Agriculture: Employment in agriculture, hunting, forestry and fishing in total employment. Industry: Employment in mining and quarrying, manufacturing, construction, electricity and gas, and water in total employment. Services: Employment in wholesale and retail trade, restaurants and hotels, transport, storage and communications, finance, insurance, real estate and business services, and community, social and personal services, in total employment. Aggregate calculations: ILO Employment Trends Unit.

Employees, employers, own account workers and contributing family workers: female and male (percentage of employed females or males)
Employees: Those workers who hold the type of jobs defined as “paid employment jobs,” where the incumbents hold explicit (written or oral) or implicit employment contracts that give them a basic remuneration that is not directly dependent upon the revenue of the unit for which they work. Employers: Those workers working on their own account or with one or a few partners, hold the type of jobs defined as “self-employment jobs” (that is, jobs where the remuneration is directly dependent upon the profits derived from the goods and services produced), and, in this capacity, have engaged on a continuous basis one or more persons to work for them as employee(s). Own account workers: Those workers who, working on their own account or with one or more partners, hold the type of jobs defined as “self-employment jobs”, and have not engaged on a continuous basis any employees to work for them. Contributing family workers: Those workers who hold “self-employment jobs” as own account workers in a market-oriented establishment operated by a relative living in the same household. Aggregate calculations: ILO Employment Trends Unit.

Gender wage gap (percentage) The gender wage gap is the difference between gross average nominal monthly wages of male and those of female employees expressed as a percentage of gross average nominal monthly wages of male employees. Indicator calculations: Gender pay gap (%) = 100*(Em – Ew)/Em where Em is the gross average nominal monthly wages of men in any given population group and Ew is the gross average nominal monthly wages of women.

Women in parliament: single or lower house, senate or upper house (percentage of seats, number of seats) Seats are usually won by candidates in parliamentary elections. Seats may also be filled by nomination, appointment, indirect election, rotation of members and by-election. Women in parliament figures are expressed as a proportion of all occupied seats in a single or lower house of the national parliaments and of the senate or upper chamber or house of bicameral parliaments. Lower or single house: Women in the single chamber of unicameral parliaments and lower chamber in bicameral parliaments. Senate or upper house: Women members in the senate or upper chambers of bicameral parliaments.

Women’s access to bank loans, land and property other than land (index) Bank loans: Women’s access to bank loans is assessed at between 0=full and 1=impossible. Land: Women’s access to land ownership is assessed at between 0=full and 1=impossible. Property other than land: Women’s rights to own property other than land, especially immovable property (that is, buildings, dwellings or other property), is assessed at between 0=full and 1=no.

Legislation on VAW (index) Reflects the existence of laws against (a) domestic violence, (b) sexual assault or rape, and (c) sexual harassment. The index is scored as follows: 0 if specific legislation is in place; 0.25 if legislation is in place but of a general nature; 0.50 if specific legislation is being planned, drafted or reviewed; 0.75 if planned legislation is of a general nature; 1.00 if there is no legislation concerning VAW. Data are averaged across the three legal categories.

Sources

Source of employment data: ILO, Key Indicators of the Labour Market, 7th ed. (available from www.ilo.org/empelm/pubs/WCMS_114060/lang—en/index.htm). The ILO Employment Trends Unit has designed and maintains three econometric models that are used in estimating labour market indicators of the countries and years for which no real data exist. Employment ratios and employment by sector: Information was derived from a variety of sources, including household or labour force surveys, official estimates and censuses provided by countries to ILO. In a very few cases, information was derived from insurance records and establishment surveys. Ratio of employers and employment by status: Most of the information for this indicator was gathered from international repositories of labour market data, including the ILO Department of Statistics Yearbook of Labour Statistics (LABORSTA) database, Eurostat, and the Latin America and Caribbean Labour Information System (QUIPUSTAT), with additions from websites of national statistical offices. Data obtained: 18 April 2013.

Source of gender wage gap: ILO, Global Wage Database (available from www.ilo.org/travail/ areasofwork/WCMS_142568/lang—en/index. htm). Data obtained: 1 May 2013.

Source of women in parliament: United Nations, Millennium Indicators Database; Inter- Parliamentary Union, Women in National Parliaments (available from www.ipu.org/wmne/ world.htm). National parliaments provide the Inter-Parliamentary Union with official statistics. Data are not adjusted for international comparability. Data obtained: 2 August 2012.

Source of legislation on VAW, and women’s access to loans and property: OECD Development Centre, Gender, Institutions and Development Database. Based on two main premises that guarantee comparability across countries and ensure the highest level of quality. Regional experts estimate data. All low-income and lower-middle-income economies with a population exceeding 1 million inhabitants were selected. A university team of researchers led the external review and harmonization processes. Scoring of social institutions variables is finalized by the OECD Development Centre. Data obtained: 1 August 2012.

____________________
1 Anju Malhotra, Sidney Schuler and Carol Boender, “Measuring women’s empowerment as a variable in international development”, background paper prepared for the World Bank Workshop on Poverty and Gender: New Perspectives (June 2002).
2 UN System Task Team on the Post-2015 UN Development Agenda, Realizing the Future We Want for All: Report to the Secretary-General (New York, 2012).
3 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, Access to Trade and Growth of Women’s SMEs in APEC Developing Economies (2013), p. 7.
4 Imelda Madarang and Cielito Habito, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor: Philippine Report 2006-2007 (Philippine Center for Entrepreneurship, 2007), p. 20.
5 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, Access to Trade and Growth of Women’s SMEs in APEC Developing Economies (2013).
6 R. Cassells and others, The Impact of a Sustained Gender Wage Gap on the Australian Economy: Report to the Office for Women, Department of Families, Community Services, Housing and Indigenous Affairs (Australia, 2009), pp. v and 25.
7 International Labour Organization, Global Wage Report 2012/13: Wages and Equitable Growth (Geneva, 2013), pp. 4-7.
8 World Bank, Toward Gender Equality in East Asia and the Pacific: A Companion to the World Development Report – World Bank East Asia and Pacific Regional Report (Washington, D.C., 2012), p. 110.
9 World Bank, World Development Report 2012: Gender Equality and Development (2012), p. 19.
10 R. Antonopolous, “The unpaid care work – paid work connection”, ILO Working Paper, No. 86 (International Labour Organization, 2009), p. 3.
11 V. Miranda, “Cooking, caring and volunteering: unpaid work around the world”, OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Paper, No. 116 (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2011), pp. 11 and 12.
12 R. Antonopolous, “The unpaid care work”, pp. 8 and 9.
13 ESCAP, The Promise of Protection: Social Protection and Development in Asia and the Pacific (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.11.II.F.5), pp. 12-15.
14 R. Chattopadhyay and E. Duflo, “Women as policy makers: evidence from a randomized policy experiment in India”, Econometrica, vol. 72, No. 5 (September 2004), pp. 1409-1443; and Grant Thornton International, Women in Senior Management: Setting the Stage for Growth – Grant Thornton International Business Report 2013 (2013), p. 4.
15 Report of the Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, 4-15 September 1995 (United Nations publication, Sales No. 96.IV.13), p. 81.
16 United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, and Inter-Parliamentary Union, Women in Politics: 2012. Available from www.ipu.org/pdf/publications/wmnmap12_en.pdf.
17 Forms of violence against women include “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life.” See Report of the Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, 4-15 September 1995 (United Nations publication, Sales No. 96.IV.13).
18 United Nations Secretary-General’s Campaign to End Violence against Women, “Violence against Women” (November 2009). Available from www.un.org/en/events/endviolenceday/pdf/UNiTE_TheSituation_EN.pdf.
19 Claudia Garcia-Moreno and others, WHO Multi-country Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence against Women: Initial Results on Prevalence, Health Outcomes and Women’s Responses (World Health Organization, 2005); Viet Nam and United Nations, Keeping Silent is Dying: Results from the National Study on Domestic Violence against Women in Viet Nam (2010); and Maldives, Ministry of Gender and Family, The Maldives Study on Women’s Health and Life Experiences: Initial Results on Prevalence, Health Outcomes and Women’s Responses to Violence (2006).
20 N. de Mel, P. Peiris and S. Gomez, Broadening Gender: Why Masculinities Matter – Attitudes, Practices and Gender-based Violence in Four Districts in Sri Lanka (CARE International Sri Lanka, 2013), pp. 36-38.
21 R.T. Naved and others, Men’s Attitudes and Practices Regarding Gender and Violence against Women in Bangladesh: Preliminary Findings (icddr,b, 2011), pp. 17-18.
 
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