Migration from, to and within Asia and
the Pacific is a complex and dynamic
phenomenon that is governed not only by
economic factors, but political as well.
Streams of temporary labour migrants flow
between countries, changes in national borders
can instantly transform residents into
international migrants, refugees flee political
turmoil, and more efficient and affordable
transportation systems makes migration across
the globe increasingly feasible.
In 2010, Asian and Pacific countries collectively
hosted a foreign population of 53 million
persons. This figure is similar to the 1990 figure,
two decades ago. Worldwide international
migration has been steadily increasing over the
last two decades, thus the Asia-Pacific share of the
global foreign population has proportionally
decreased over time – from roughly 34% of the
world’s foreign population in 1990 to 25% in
2010. Considering that 61% of the world’s
population live in the Asia-Pacific region, these
figures are relatively low.
In Asia and the Pacific, 1 in 3 of the foreign
population live in North and Central Asia. At
almost 18 million people, this is the largest
foreign population among the Asia-Pacific
subregions. Paradoxically, only 5% of the total
population in the region lives in that subregion.
The subregion hosting the second largest foreign
population is South and South-West Asia, with
almost 16 million. Together, the two subregions
host nearly two thirds of the foreign population
in Asia and the Pacific.
Although migratory movement is high within
these two subregions, a large proportion of the
foreign population may show up in migration
statistics simply because of the redrawing of
national boundaries over the past century. When
country borders change, persons who had been
residents of one country before the change
automatically become forigners under a different
national administration without having moved.
In South and South-West Asia, the separation
between India and Pakistan and between Pakistan
and Bangladesh are the most dramatic examples
of this phenomenon. North and Central Asia
experienced a similar situation in conjunction
with the breakup of the Soviet Union. For
example, many of the foreign population in such
countries as Kazakhstan or Uzbekistan are ethnic
Russians or Ukrainians who had moved to other
Soviet republics within the borders of the former
Soviet Union. Following the independence of
the Central Asian republics, many became
classified as foreign without crossing international
borders. Likewise, after independence and the
reestablishment of the republics, many ethnic
minorities moved from their country of birth to
their countries of origin, such as ethnic Russians
who returned to the Russian Federation and
ethnic Uzbeks to Uzbekistan, adding to the
foreign population.
The countries in the region hosting the largest
foreign population are the Russian Federation
(12.3 million), India (5.4 million), Australia
(4.7 million) and Pakistan (4.2 million).
Although the majority of migrants in the Russian
Federation are actually returnees of Russian
ethnicity, the Russian Federation is also an
important destination for labour migrants,
mainly from Central Asia. Given economic as
well as demographic imbalances in the North and
Central Asian subregion, migration from Central
Asia to the Russian Federation is likely to
continue to rise in the foreseeable future.
The share of the foreign population is often seen
as an indicator of the openness of a country or
region to migration. In small countries or
territories of the region, the share of the foreign
population compared to the overall population
tends to be higher than in large countries. The
countries or territories with the largest shares of
foreign population to total population are all
small, open economies, often with a political
status that allies them to another, larger country.
The five with the largest share are: Northern Mariana Islands; Macao, China; Nauru; Guam;
and American Samoa. For example, many
residents of Macao, China, were born in
mainland China. Similarly, many residents in
American Samoa were born in the United States
of America. Macao, China; Hong Kong, China;
and Singapore are all important destinations for
labour migrants in the Asia-Pacific region and
have particularly open immigration policies
towards skilled immigrants; this is reflected in the
large foreign population proportion in 2010,
55%, 39% and 39%, respectively.
Changes in measuring international migration
Measuring migration is a difficult statistical exercise. Moreover, there is no standard definition of what constitutes
an international migrant.
One way to measure migration is to estimate the foreign population as the number of foreign-born persons or
foreign citizens (a foreign citizen is a person living in a country that is different from their country of citizenship)
in a given country at one point in time – an estimate of the migrant stock. Data on foreign-born persons or foreign
citizens are usually taken from censuses or administrative records (especially in countries with a good vital registration
system). This indicator has the merit of simplicity, but it does not capture actual migratory movements. In Asia
and the Pacific, temporary labour migration has become the most prevalent form of international migration from
and within the region.
Data related to the migrant stock do not tell all that should be known. Existing data often indicate only the number
of foreign or foreign-born persons in a country, not where they come from. The legal status of migrants may not
always be identified: permanent residents, refugees, temporary workers, students and others are all lumped together
as migrants. Little sex- or age-disaggregated data on migrants are available.
Another way to consider migration is through flow statistics – how many migrants have left the country or entered
the country during a certain period of time. While migrant stocks reflect long-term developments, migrant flows
represent migratory activity in a certain year and can also capture short-term movements. Detailed data on stocks
as well on flows are essential inputs in designing relevant national policies. Statistics on migrant flows are usually
taken from administrative records and lack comparability because of differences in registration methods and
categorization by different countries.
Another difficulty in collecting migration statistics is the “irregular” status of many migrants. Some migrants may
have entered a country without proper documentation. Others may have entered a country legitimately, but may
not have the proper documentation to work or reside in the country they entered. In some cases, a migrant’s work
permit may have expired. Such migrants with partial or no documentation might go uncounted because they do
not show in administrative records; although they could be counted in censuses as all household members are
theoretically captured regardless of legal status. However, irregular migrants may be reluctant to respond to census
questions, especially those regarding their status because of fear of repercussions.
Although this Statistical Yearbook uses the most authoritative, internationally comparable data sources, the data on
migrant stocks in the region must be interpreted with caution and contextual understanding. |
Figure I.8 – Foreign population, selected Asian
and Pacific countries and areas, 1990 and 2010

The share of foreign population in most
countries of the region has changed little in terms
of percentage points in the past two decades, with
some notable exceptions. The shares of foreign
population in Singapore and Brunei Darussalam
increased significantly between 1990 and 2011 – in Singapore from 24% to 39% and in Brunei
Darussalam from 29% to 37%. In absolute
terms, the foreign population more than doubled
in both cases. In Kyrgyzstan, the share of foreign
population dropped from 14% in 1990 to 4.2%
in 2010 and in Armenia from 19% to 10%. In
small countries, a change of several thousand migrants can significantly change the overall
share, as has been the case in some Pacific islands.
Another significant change happened in the
Islamic Republic of Iran, where the foreign
population decreased from 7.8% in 1990 to
2.9% in 2010, a decrease of approximately
2 million migrants, primarily due to repatriation
of refugees from Afghanistan. Another important indicator of migratory
movements is the net migration rate – the
number of international immigrants minus the
number of emigrants over a period, divided by
the average population of the receiving country
over that period. Countries with a positive net
migration rate are net countries of immigration,
while those with a negative net migration rate are
countries of emigration. Net migration rates in
the Asia-Pacific region show clearly that low
income countries are generally countries with
emigration, while high income countries are
countries of immigration. Countries or territories
with the largest average annual net migration rate
(per 1,000 population) between 2005 and 2010
were Singapore (31), Macao, China (20), and
Australia (11). Countries with the lowest net
migration (emigration countries) rates were
Samoa (-17), Tonga (-16) and the Federated
States of Micronesia (-16). Notably all are Pacific
island developing economies.
Figure I.9 – Net migration rates, highest and
lowest of Asian and Pacific countries and areas,
annual average 2005-2010

The complexity and dynamism of migration is
illustrated in several countries that are net
countries of emigration, while they also have
a large foreign population. For example, India,
Pakistan and the Islamic Republic of Iran host
large numbers of migrants but experienced net
emigration between 2005 and 2010. Net
emigration does not imply that immigration is
low, only that emigration is higher than
immigration. Note that the foreign population
may reflect migratory history while net migration
rates reflect current trends in migration.
The shape of current labour migration flows
Temporary labour migration has become a prominent feature of many societies in the region. Migrant workers’
remittances have become important sources of income for Governments as well as households. Intergovernmental
memorandums of understanding enable movement between countries for a limited contract period of temporary
labour migrants who are usually not allowed to take their families with them. Contracts can be extended; or some
migrants return to their country of origin and migrate out again. Temporary labour migrants do not typically aim
at permanent resettlement, which distinguishes temporary labour migration from much of the historical migration,
for example, to Australia, Europe, New Zealand or North America.
In Asia and the Pacific, some examples of significant flows of temporary labour migrant workers include:
- North and Central Asian migrants go to other North and Central Asian countries (for example from Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan to the Russian Federation and Kazakhstan);
- Indian peninsular migrants go to the Middle East and to South-East Asia, mainly Singapore and Malaysia;
- The migration pattern of South-East Asian migrants from Indonesia, Myanmar, Philippines and Viet Nam
are diverse. Migrants from Myanmar go mainly to Thailand (the majority through irregular channels because
regular channels are difficult and costly); migrants from Indonesia go mainly to Malaysia, the Middle East, the Republic of Korea and Singapore; Filipino migrants go to the Middle East, Malaysia and Japan; and migrants from Viet Nam mainly go to Japan, Malaysia and the Republic of Korea.
The Republic of Korea has recently emerged as a new destination, attracting migrants from South and South-West
Asia and South-East Asia.
Women make up a considerable share of temporary labour migrants, especially from Indonesia, Myanmar, Philippines
and Sri Lanka. In some years and from some countries, outflows of female migrants exceed those of males. The
number of women from Nepal migrating to work abroad is increasing. Most female migrants work as domestic
workers or in care service industries. |
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