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Publications - Poverty and Development
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Summary
of the Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific,
2003
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Although the global
economy lost momentum in 2002 in the face of weak
investment activity in the private sector compounded
by mounting geopolitical uncertainties, the ESCAP
region remained largely unaffected. Developing economies
of the region exceeded 2001 GDP growth by nearly 2
percentage points in 2002. Developed economies of
the region also improved upon their 2001 performance
in 2002, although Japan remained in recession. Over
the region as a whole, inflation declined further
in 2002 from an already low level in 2001. Higher
GDP growth in the region was achieved partly through
easier domestic monetary and fiscal policies and partly
through higher intraregional trade flows. For 2003,
prospects are beset by an array of uncertainties,
principally the threat of military action in Iraq
and the Korean situation. Assuming that large-scale
military action can be avoided in Iraq, the ESCAP
region should be able to sustain the current growth
momentum in 2003.
In the face of uncertainty
it is nevertheless vital to stress the importance
of long-term social issues such as education and health.
The last two decades or more underline the positive
impact of education and health on the economic development
of countries and the well-being of societies and individuals.
Moreover, the provision of education and health services
are key elements for reducing poverty in developing
countries. While the public sector remains the major
provider of education and health services, additional
resources need to be raised to expand the provision
of such services using a number of channels. These
include the private sector, communities, non-governmental
organizations, foreign bilateral donors and multilateral
organizations. An integrated approach to the provision
of education and health services is recommended and
in order to achieve better results in their delivery,
more efficient utilization of resources is also important.
Along with the economic
and social challenges facing the region, Governments
also have to deal with environmental problems and
the environment-poverty nexus. While rapid economic
growth is seen as a central element in achieving poverty
reduction, experience shows that growth is often accompanied
by environmental deterioration that hurts the poor.
Environmental policies have thus sought partly to
attenuate the adverse effects of growth on the environment
and partly to directly address the problems of the
poor in ways that simultaneously have a positive impact
on the environment. However, despite an array of policies
and programmes used to attain these twin objectives,
the track record thus far is not satisfactory. Greater
effort is needed in building environmental awareness,
decentralizing responsibilities and improving coordination
between agents, policy makers and institutions to
improve the effectiveness of environmental policies.
The present document
is based on the Economic and Social Survey of Asia
and the Pacific 2003.
I. IMPLICATIONS OF RECENT ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
II. POLICY ISSUES AND CHALLENGES
III. THE ROLE OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE IN THE PROVISION OF EDUCATION
AND HEALTH SERVICES
IV. ENVIRONMENT-POVERTY NEXUS REVISITED: LINKAGES AND POLICY OPTIONS
(Back to top)
I.
IMPLICATIONS OF RECENT ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
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The secretariat analyses recent
economic and social developments in the region in
the annual Economic and Social Survey of Asia and
the Pacific. It also seeks to focus attention on
the policy implications these developments are likely
to have for Governments in the region. The 2003
Survey looks at short-term trends in the global
economy in 2002, prospects for 2003 amid growing
geopolitical tensions and uncertainties and the
challenges that lie ahead for the ESCAP region.
The Survey also considers longer-term social issues
of relevance to the region, such as education and
health services, and examines the policy options
available to Governments for expanding the provision
of such services. Finally, it looks at the linkages
between environmental issues and poverty and makes
policy recommendations in this regard.
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In March 2002, the secretariat
had noted discernible signs of recovery in the global
and regional economies following the sharp slowdown
in 2001. In the event, while the global economic
recovery petered out in 2002 after an encouraging
first quarter, the developing economies of the ESCAP
region were able to maintain a relatively strong
momentum of growth. GDP growth in 2001 by this group
of economies was exceeded by nearly 2 percentage
points in 2002. Indeed, at 5.1 per cent, it was
the fastest-growing group of economies in the world
in 2002. All the different subregions improved their
growth performance in 2002 relative to 2001. The
most impressive improvements in 2002 were recorded
by East and North-East Asia and South-East Asia
(see
table).
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The improved growth performance
was based partly on the stimulus provided by easier
macroeconomic policies, principally lower interest
rates, and partly on the growth in intraregional
trade. Macroeconomic easing was facilitated by the
low inflationary environment; the collective rate
of inflation in developing economies of the ESCAP
region declined from 3.5 per cent in 2001 to 2.1
per cent in 2002. International trade by developing
countries of the region exceeded world trade growth
in 2002 in value terms (plus 2.1 per cent up to
August 2002 on a year-on-year basis versus minus
2.4 per cent on the same basis for the world as
a whole). However, the increase was offset to some
extent by price declines in manufactured goods so
that, notwithstanding the improvement in some commodity
prices, on an overall basis developing economies
of the ESCAP region suffered terms-of-trade losses
during the year.
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In the later part of 2002, geopolitical
uncertainties emanating from the possibility of
military conflict in Iraq, the knock-on effects
of the terrorist attack in Bali and the situation
in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea served
to further undermine already low corporate confidence
across the globe. Although GDP growth in the region
remained largely unaffected by these developments,
the uncertainty they generated was discernible in
most of the stock markets of the region. By and
large, stock markets tended to weaken in 2002, with
minor upward rallies. There were few signs of a
revival in corporate investment spending. Furthermore,
as oil prices rose by some 50 per cent by the end
of December 2002 on a year-on-year basis and little
evidence of durable growth in the United States
of America, Japan and the European Union (EU), which
together account for more than 50 per cent of the
exports from the region, the outlook for regional
growth in 2003 became less favourable.
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By early February 2003, the
region was in the grip of a daunting array of uncertainties
that render any assessment of the outlook for 2003
problematic in the extreme. Externally, until the
situation relating to Iraq becomes clearer, demand
for the region's exports in the developed economies
could be much weaker than forecast even a few months
ago as corporations delay new investment expenditures.
Further, the world's financial markets (equities,
bonds and foreign exchange) are likely to be buffeted
by strong crosswinds of low and fragile investor
confidence. This will manifest itself primarily
in heightened risk aversion and exaggerated volatility
in asset prices and trading volumes. A probable
consequence of this could be greater instability
in exchange rates, revolving around a weaker United
States dollar, and investment funds flowing into
safe haven-type outlets, such as precious metals,
with deleterious effects even on trade-related cross-border
financial transactions. Internally, a prolonged
period of uncertainty would clearly have an adverse
impact on business and consumer confidence, while
the possibility of military conflict in Iraq could
deflect Governments in the region from focusing
on development issues and implementing their reform
agendas owing to a narrower concern with security
matters in the short term.
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If other things remain the same,
however, or if the uncertainties mentioned above
resolve themselves quickly and trade and financial
flows are not disrupted for a prolonged period,
the underlying strength of the economies in the
region suggests that the developing economies of
the region should be able to maintain their current
growth momentum in 2003 or even enjoy a modest acceleration.
But, in order to achieve this, major policy issues
and challenges have to be confronted by the Governments
of the region. It should be stressed here that the
balance of probabilities at the time of writing
remains significantly weighted on the downside until
the geopolitical situation and associated uncertainties
are resolved. In the following paragraphs the recent
performance and prospects for each subregion and
the common policy issues and challenges facing the
ESCAP region as a whole are discussed.
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In the least developed countries
(LDCs), GDP growth generally slowed in 2002. This
was primarily caused by a slowdown in export growth
and not, as in the past, by any adverse domestic
developments. LDC exports are mainly destined for
developed country markets and are still concentrated
in a relatively narrow range of items, although
newer exports such as garments have made a major
contribution to export and GDP growth in Bangladesh
in recent years. Tourism was also adversely affected
as concerns about security kept tourists away from
several of the LDCs, and especially countries such
as Nepal, where the security situation worsened.
On the plus side, inflationary pressures remained
muted, with the exception of Myanmar. For the future,
taking the LDCs as a whole, much depends upon the
recovery of global growth in 2003 and more particularly
upon growth in the developed countries.
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As in the case of the LDCs,
the Pacific island economies did not match the rest
of the ESCAP region in showing a significant improvement
in GDP growth in 2002. However, taking the economies
as a whole, most of which have a narrow production
and low population base, GDP stopped contracting
and positive growth was attained in all the economies
with the exception of Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu.
The most visible turnaround occurred in Solomon
Islands, where GDP grew in 2002 after experiencing
a contraction of 13 per cent in 2001. The lacklustre
GDP performance contributed to problems in macroeconomic
management. As a result, the inflation rate went
up in all the main economies except Fiji, Tonga
and Vanuatu. Despite the fact that the Pacific island
countries are away from the areas of tension, tourism
displayed a mixed trend; it recovered in Fiji but
not in other tourism-dependent economies. For 2003,
overall prospects are for GDP growth to exceed the
performance in 2002. The Pacific island economies
are substantially influenced by developments in
Australia and New Zealand, which are expected to
achieve GDP growth in 2003 at, or close to, that
achieved in 2002.
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The economies of Central Asia
were little affected by the global downturn in 2001
and the pace of GDP growth remained broadly stable
in 2002. Growth in the subregion was achieved on
the back of growing investor and consumer confidence,
which attracted enhanced external capital to resource-rich
economies such as Kazakhstan and facilitated greater
macroeconomic stability, particularly exchange rate
stability, as production increased and inflation
declined in virtually all the economies of the subregion.
Against the overall trend, GDP growth tended to
ease somewhat in 2002 relative to 2001 in the three
largest economies, but was still maintained at a
respectable pace. Central Asia remains heavily dependent
upon the Russian Federation and strong growth in
that country since the 1998 financial crisis has
led to higher trade flows within the subregion on
a more sustainable basis. The Russian Federation
has been recognized as a market economy and its
entry into the World Trade Organization should boost
not only its own development but also that of the
Central Asian economies, by locking them more firmly
into the international economy. Prospects for 2003
are, however, subject to the uncertainty prevailing
in the global economy at the present time. In particular,
much will depend on the course of energy prices
over the coming months.
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In South and South-West Asia,
GDP growth picked up in 2002 compared with 2001.
This was mainly on account of the recovery of Sri
Lanka and Turkey from negative growth in 2001 and
higher growth in Pakistan and the Islamic Republic
of Iran. India, the largest economy in this subregion,
saw a marginal decline in its GDP growth rate in
2002 relative to 2001; unfavourable weather affected
agricultural production and was essentially responsible
for the small overall decline in the GDP growth
rate. Inflation in the subregion remained largely
unchanged; it went up in the Islamic Republic of
Iran but came down modestly from a very high level
in Turkey and in Sri Lanka. On the external trade
front, excepting India and Turkey, export growth
remained subdued. However, with improved inflows
of remittances and foreign capital, the foreign
exchange reserve position improved significantly
in nearly all countries of the subregion. In the
case of India and Pakistan, higher inflows of foreign
resources led to balance-of-payments current account
surpluses. In 2003, the prospects are for a pickup
in the overall GDP growth rate, especially in India,
Pakistan and Sri Lanka. However, uncertainties remain:
these are primarily external and could affect export
growth adversely if growth in the global economy
remains tentative or if prolonged military hostilities
take place in Iraq. While the economies of the subregion
are primarily domestic demand-driven, net exports
make a significant contribution to GDP performance
at the margin. In addition, other than the Islamic
Republic of Iran, the subregion is a heavy importer
of energy and higher energy prices would be a negative
development for both growth and inflation in the
subregion.
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South-East Asia improved its
rate of GDP growth from 2.2 per cent in 2001 to
4 per cent in 2002. Growth was strong in Malaysia
and Thailand, driven, for the most part, by buoyant
consumption aided by an upturn in electronics and
electrical goods exports. Higher commodity prices
were another positive feature in the subregion.
These factors also applied to Viet Nam, where GDP
growth remained buoyant in 2002. Growth was less
strong in the Philippines and Indonesia, where the
incidence of terrorist attacks tended to dampen
business investment expenditure. However, the attacks
had a minimal impact on tourism in the subregion,
which accounts for 4-5 per cent of GDP in South-East
Asia generally. Slower growth in the global economy
in the second half of 2002 caused export growth
to taper off in these economies and this phenomenon
was responsible for the modest increase in output
in Singapore in 2002 following a contraction in
2001. The outlook for 2003 is clouded by uncertainty
on the external front. Even though exports to China
increased rapidly in 2002 and should continue to
grow in 2003, this may not be sufficient to offset
the lack of robust growth in the United States,
Japan and the EU. Domestically, strong consumption
growth facilitated by easier macroeconomic policies
is likely to be sustained but could come up against
rising personal debt levels and the need to begin
fiscal consolidation as a result of the rising public
debt in several economies. Subject to these caveats
and to the uncertainties in the international situation,
the subregion should enjoy stronger growth in 2003.
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East and North-East Asia was
the best performing subregion in 2002, led by strong
growth in China and the Republic of Korea. Mongolia,
the smallest economy in the subregion, also improved
its GDP growth rate in 2002. In China, growth was
particularly robust in the first half of the year.
Both domestic demand and exports supported growth
in the subregion. Domestic demand is mainly investment-driven
in China, but rapidly rising middle-class incomes
are boosting personal consumption expenditure as
well, leading to the production of a wide array
of consumer goods and a surge in foreign direct
investment. In the Republic of Korea, domestic demand
is both investment- and consumption-driven, the
latter by the more liberal availability of personal
credit from the financial system. Exports increased
sharply in the first half of 2002 as a result of
the upturn in the information and communication
technology sector. In the case of China, there was
strong growth of imports from the region, with eight
economies increasing the volume of exports to China
by around 50 per cent in the first half of 2002.
Growth was less strong in Taiwan Province of China
and barely perceptible in Hong Kong, China. The
former economy remains closely tied to the dynamics
of boom and slowdown in the global high-tech industry,
while the latter, which is now primarily a service-oriented
economy, has been affected by the slowdown in cross-border
financial transactions. Rising unemployment and
falling property prices in Hong Kong, China, have
shaken consumer confidence and, as in Japan, the
economy has become mired in deflation, prices having
fallen for four straight years. Deflation also affects
China to some extent and Taiwan Province of China
has seen no rise in prices for three years. Prospects
for the subregion in 2003 are that GDP growth rates
will be broadly maintained, with a probable easing
in the collective growth rate. This is likely to
be the case in both China and the Republic of Korea,
though with some recovery in Hong Kong, China, and
Taiwan Province of China.
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Of the three developed countries
of the region, in 2001 and 2002 Japan experienced
its third and severest recession for several years.
Australia and New Zealand, however, with buoyant
domestic demand, showed relatively strong growth
at the upper end of growth within the OECD economies.
This was despite drought in Australia, which reduced
agricultural output substantially. There was deflation
in Japan, while price pressures remained mild in
Australia and New Zealand. The consensus view is
that the Japanese economy appears to have bottomed
out in 2002 and could see positive growth, albeit
at a modest pace in 2003, as measures to speed up
reforms in the banking sector begin to take effect.
In Australia and New Zealand, strong domestic demand
should preserve the current momentum of growth.
However, with a deteriorating external environment
and other uncertainties already referred to, there
are risks on the downside. These are already reflected
in lower consumer confidence in the two economies
and a slower pace of output growth in the second
half of 2002.
II.
POLICY ISSUES AND CHALLENGES
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The greatest threat
to the region lies in the danger of a major military
conflict in Iraq. In addition, the situation in the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea or a major terrorist
attack could markedly worsen prospects in the region.
Indeed, to some degree the uncertainties thus generated
are already manifesting themselves in higher oil prices
and weak and volatile financial markets in the region,
which are likely to undermine both consumer and business
confidence, if prolonged. In a worst-case scenario,
a war in Iraq could set in train its own unpredictable
security and sociopolitical dynamics and Governments
would have to respond with policy adjustments as appropriate.
The following paragraphs discuss the policy issues
and challenges facing the region on the assumption
that there will be no major and/or prolonged military
action in Iraq.
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Given the absence of any evidence
of a strong pickup in the global economy, at least
in the first half of 2003, sustaining growth in the
region will depend primarily upon growth-stimulating
domestic policies. Any impetus from higher intraregional
trade flows would enhance the effects of such policies.
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Sustaining a high momentum of
growth is needed not merely for its own sake but
to address the issues relating to poverty in the
region and simultaneously assist economies in the
region in continuing to make progress in tackling
corporate and financial sector reform. In this regard,
it should be stressed that higher public expenditure
on domestic law and order and security, while clearly
diverting resources from other uses in the short
term, is actually essential for development owing
to its positive impact on levels of confidence in
the relevant economies. It is particularly important
in economies that have significant tourism sectors.
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Domestic demand stimulus measures
have relied on a mixture of fiscal and monetary
policies. There is no doubt that with levels of
public debt exceeding 50 per cent of GDP in most
economies of the region the question of fiscal consolidation
has to be tackled in earnest before too long. In
the case of monetary policy also, as a result of
falling inflation, interest rates have reached quite
low levels so that the scope for further reduction
is limited in most countries. Given the varying
positions of individual economies of the region
in this context, any general policy recommendation
would clearly be inappropriate. However, there would
appear to be a strong case for Governments to put
both fiscal and monetary policies within a medium-term
framework in which short-term flexibility can be
combined with medium- or longer-term discipline.
Countries could begin implementing a programme of
refinancing older, higher-cost debt with lower-cost
debt, given the lower interest rates currently available,
and anchor it within a credible debt target, measured
as a ratio to GDP, to be achieved, say, over the
next five years taking into account currency and
other risks.
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With regard to monetary policy
and the use of inflation targeting, there is some
concern that the authorities may be erring on the
side of keeping inflation low and thus sacrificing
growth to some extent. Since very low rates of inflation,
or even deflation, rather than high inflation, are
prevalent in a number of economies in the region
and could potentially be as intractable as high
inflation, the need for more flexible monetary policies
is obvious. In particular, low inflation caused
by a collapse in demand following the bursting of
an asset bubble is likely to require rather more
aggressive policy interventions than incremental
adjustments in interest rates.
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The programmes of reform of
the corporate and financial sectors that have been
formulated in several countries over the last five
years must continue to be implemented with renewed
vigour. The problem of corporate restructuring involving
major balance-sheet adjustments in terms of lower
debt-to-equity ratios has made only slow progress
thus far. This problem is intimately related to
the non-performing-loan problem in banks, which,
in turn, is an impediment to the revival of credit
demand in many economies of the region. Ideally,
both of these problems need to be substantially
reduced over the next three to five years. It is
worth noting that levels of investment in the private
sector are still below pre-1997 levels in South-East
Asia. Without a pickup in private investment, long-term
growth is likely to be jeopardized.
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The reform effort applies equally
to improved standards of governance and more efficient
delivery of services in the public sector. Governments
in the region need to instil much greater discipline,
higher standards of accountability and more effective
utilization of the limited resources available to
them for the provision of public services. Waste
and corruption not only lead to the poorer delivery
of services but also lower the morale of providers
and users alike and undermine productivity in the
economy.
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By the same token, as emphasized
in the past, countries dependent upon official development
assistance (ODA) need to redouble their efforts
to improve the utilization of external assistance
by drawing up realistic projects for such funding
and improving their aid management skills. The improved
climate for ODA flows may suffer major harm if aid
utilization skills do not match up to much higher
expectations in the future.
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One of the central challenges
of globalization is that countries have to compete
for markets. Globalization manifests itself in intensified
competition among firms on a transnational basis,
necessitating efficiency in the utilization of both
capital and human resources. Governments must strive
to provide a stable macroeconomic environment, realistic
exchange rates and improvements in the physical
infrastructure to enable firms to compete, and the
firms themselves must promote innovation, improve
product and service quality and become more receptive
to change.
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The momentum of trade liberalization,
including action in trade facilitation, should be
maintained. It is widely accepted that regional
trading arrangements can be a useful complement
to the multilateral trading system and enhance its
effectiveness. Nevertheless, the recent increase
in bilateral trade agreements in the region should
not serve to reduce the commitment of Governments
to promote the multilateral objectives of the Doha
Development Agenda.
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The current weaknesses in the
global economy and concerns with security issues
such as terrorism and the use of the international
financial system by terrorists require significantly
enhanced cooperation at the regional level in the
exchange of information, intelligence and policy-making
in the area of security. In previous years the need
for vigilance in pre-empting financial crises and
containing their contagion has been stressed. Policy
coordination to enhance growth is another area deserving
attention and such coordination could be promoted
initially through the various subregional organizations
in the ESCAP region. An area where this would be
particularly appropriate is developing policy responses
to the unravelling of the global balance-of-payments
position involving major exchange rate adjustments
in the months ahead.
(Back)
III.
THE ROLE OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE IN THE PROVISION OF EDUCATION
AND HEALTH SERVICES
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Generally speaking,
the education sector claims the largest share of public
expenditure devoted to social services in the developing
countries of the region. Out of 32 economies for which
data are available, 15 devoted more than 15 per cent
of total public expenditure to education in 2000.
Most economies in the region were able to raise the
share of public expenditure going to education between
1980 and 2000. For health, a comparison of the shares
of expenditure on health in total public expenditure
between 1980 and 2000 presents a mixed picture. Out
of 18 economies for which data are available, 10 show
an increase and the remainder a decrease.
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The public sector remains
a major provider of education and health services
in the developing countries of the ESCAP region. By
and large, countries with higher public expenditure
on education and health show better outputs and outcomes
in this regard. But, equally, better results also
depend on the more effective and efficient utilization
of the available resources. Therefore, not only are
additional resources needed to expand the provision
of education and health services but measures to enhance
their effective utilization and maximize their positive
impact, particularly on marginalized groups, are also
important.
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While improving the education
and health of people is a desirable end in itself,
its positive impact on the overall development of
a country can be far-reaching. The provision of
education and health services is a key element in
any policy to promote broad-based economic growth.
The main asset of the poor is their labour and both
education and health services clearly improve labour
productivity and the earnings of workers.
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Education is considered a major
remedy for many problems faced by the developing
countries. The linkages of health to poverty eradication
and long-term economic growth are strong and education
and health are important tools to empower poor people
and overcome exclusion based on gender, location
and other correlates of poverty. Key policy issues
relevant to expanding resources for education and
health and improving their effectiveness and efficiency
are highlighted below.
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The public provision of education
and health services may be considered using a combination
of the rights-based and needs-based approaches.
Owing to the limited resources available to Governments
in developing countries, the universal provision
of education and health services is almost impossible.
However, basic education and primary health care
command general support under the rights-based approach.
As a result, the public provision (free or subsidized)
of education and health services can respond to
the broad needs of society and, more particularly,
those of marginalized and disadvantaged groups.
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Huge financial resources are
needed for expanding and improving the quality of
education and health services in most countries
of the region. Such resources can be obtained by
shifting them from other sectors with low productivity.
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Education and health services
are in the nature of public goods and their economic
and social benefits extend beyond the persons directly
receiving them. The role of the public sector will
remain important in the provision of such services.
As such, more public resources are needed to expand
access to them and improve their quality.
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The most reliable and sustainable
public source is tax revenue. Countries in the region
have been reforming their tax systems and many of
them have introduced value added taxes. Improving
tax administration and expanding the tax base could
generate additional revenue in the future.
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Generally speaking, education
and health services are provided by the public sector
either free or at a nominal charge. Modest user
charges for an improved quality of service can be
introduced to reduce the burden on the public sector.
For equity considerations, however, mechanisms need
to be devised so that the poor are not barred from
using these services because of lack of income.
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The active involvement of the
community and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
can augment resources for education and health.
Communities can make contributions in kind and/or
in cash. NGOs have been active in the education
and health sectors in a number of developing countries;
they can mobilize resources from within and outside
a country and can also provide leadership for advocacy
in highlighting the important role of education
and health in society.
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In addition to mobilizing extra
resources, the impact of education and health services
can be enhanced through the utilization of public
resources more effectively and efficiently. Improving
the quality of services, enhancing access to education
and health for marginalized groups, prioritization
of expenditure within sectors and good governance
merit special consideration in this regard.
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Private sector participation
improves quality, raises efficiency and augments
the supply of education and health services. This,
in turn, allows an enhanced allocation of public
resources in rural and remote areas as well as urban
slums, where such services are poorly provided and
are most needed. As such, participation of the private
sector should be encouraged and, at the same time,
Governments should have in place a proper regulatory
regime to maintain standards in education and health
services.
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Governments of many developing
countries have borrowed heavily in the past and
a major part of their revenue is currently spent
on debt-servicing, including the servicing of foreign
debt. As a way of augmenting resource availability,
from the donors' side, rich countries could assist
developing countries in the provision of education
and health services through debt reduction. At the
same time, from the recipients' side, more effective
utilization of aid in developing countries could
foster a more positive climate of public opinion
in the donor countries with donor Governments becoming
more supportive of debt relief and of increased
ODA funding in developing countries for education
and health.
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Despite the improved coverage
of education and health services in most countries,
certain segments of the population have not benefited
enough and access to these services has remained
unevenly distributed. Three main groups, people
living in rural and remote areas, poor people generally
and women, need to be specially targeted to achieve
more equitable results in this respect.
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Additional public resources
should be devoted to the provision of education
and health services in rural and remote areas. The
balanced development of rural areas would also help
in managing rural-to-urban migration. Within urban
areas, slums and localities of poor people should
be targeted for enhanced public spending on education
and health.
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Education and health indicators,
as measured by national averages, are not satisfactory
in many countries. The situation of the poor is
likely to be much worse in these countries, since
the poor tend to have limited access to education
and health services, which in turn keeps them poor
and the vicious cycle of poverty continues. Therefore,
the children of the poor should be given special
incentives in the form of assistance through scholarships,
free textbooks and uniforms to improve their access
to education.
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Gender inequalities remain
serious in many countries. Certain affirmative measures
can help in enhancing female access to education.
Particularly in rural areas, there is a need to
make parents aware of the importance of girls' education
through publicity campaigns. As with the children
of the poor, scholarship schemes, free textbooks
and other supplies for girls could be used to encourage
them to attend school. Enhancing the representation
of women in management positions in the education
and health sectors could help in looking after the
concerns and needs of women more effectively.
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Even with a fixed quantum of
resources, improved outcomes can be achieved through
the reprioritization of expenditure within the education
and health sectors according to needs and importance.
Developing countries need quality education at all
levels, including tertiary education, to absorb
new technologies. Information and communication
technology needs to be promoted in education at
all levels. However, for countries with low enrolment
ratios, higher priority should be given to achieving
universal primary education, followed by improvements
in secondary and higher education.
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Within the health sector, greater
emphasis tends to be given to curative rather than
preventive services. However, preventive measures
to improve health, such as access to safe drinking
water, adequate sanitation and mass vaccination
against communicable diseases, are also very important.
These can reduce the need for curative services.
The priority in public health expenditure should
be to provide primary health care to all, particularly
in rural and remote areas and for disadvantaged
groups.
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In many countries, the education
and health sectors are under enormous stress due
to population pressure. One of the most important
health interventions is greater attention to reproductive
health, not only to control the spread of sexually
transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS, but also
to limit fertility through the provision of family
planning services, including access to contraception.
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By improving governance, significant
resources can be saved and utilized for improving
access to, and the quality of, education and health
services. More effective implementation of checks
and balances and greater decentralization in the
provision of education and health services can help
in controlling waste and leakage of resources.
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46. While better education and
health outcomes contribute to economic growth, the
causality also runs in the reverse direction. Financial
resources for education and health can be made available
more easily in a growing economy. Therefore, policies
aimed at broad-based growth should be vigorously
pursued.
(Back)
IV. ENVIRONMENT-POVERTY NEXUS
REVISITED: LINKAGES AND POLICY OPTIONS
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The tension between growth and
environmental objectives can be resolved by designing
and implementing environmental policies which have
a beneficial impact on the poor and poverty reduction
policies and programmes which contribute to the
improvement of the environment. This overview seeks
to survey selected policies and programmes that
have been implemented in this area in the Asia-Pacific
region and analyses them to find ways to increase
their effectiveness.
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The eradication of poverty is
a major development challenge. Rapid economic growth
is often seen as a key element in achieving poverty
reduction. However, experience shows that rapid
economic growth is often accompanied by environmental
deterioration that adversely affects the poor.
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Environmental deterioration,
such as depletion of natural resources, raises atmospheric
pollution, reduces biodiversity, dries aquifers,
pollutes aquatic and marine ecosystems and increases
the production of waste matter, which has adversely
affected the poor because of their locational disadvantages,
higher dependency on environmental resources and
insufficient assets for coping with environmental
hazards.
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Despite the existence and use
of a large number of policies and programmes, the
track record in improving the state of the environment
in the region does not speak highly of their efficacy.
The reasons for the limited success of environmental
policies are embedded in the prevailing economic
concepts relevant to the environment, which make
the associated policies difficult to implement.
The relatively intangible nature of environmental
costs, the negative externalities associated with
such costs and the existence of the free-rider problem
are reasons for market failure and effectively restrict
the role of public policy in this area.
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For many developing countries,
enhancement of economic growth is often the major
macroobjective of economic development. It is assumed
that sustainable poverty reduction will take place
through the trickle-down effect of economic growth.
Based on this premise, an effort is made to sustain
the tempo of economic growth and policies and programmes
are formulated to mitigate the adverse environmental
impact of economic growth and reverse environmental
degradation. Given the background of possible positive
linkages between the livelihoods, income and health
of the poor and the environment, such actions would
strengthen the trickle-down effect of economic growth
and lead to a reduction in poverty. Experience shows,
however, that the linkages are more complex and
require well-designed policy interventions.
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To begin with, it is necessary
to secure stakeholders ownership through vigorous
awareness-building campaigns. Decentralizing the
responsibility for designing and implementing environmental
policies and programmes, improving coordination
between agents, policy makers and institutions and
establishing and maintaining good standards of governance
are other critical requirements. Their combined
impact on poverty is a further element. Policies
and programmes relevant in this regard are explained
in the following paragraphs.
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Environmental policies can be
classified into two broad groups: (a) those which
aim at reducing the adverse environmental impact
of economic growth, ultimately leading to an improvement
of the environment in general and consequently having
a beneficial impact on the poor, and (b) those which
are specifically targeted at the poor and simultaneously
have a positive impact on the environment.
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Within the first group, sustainable
development plans and policies aim to minimize the
adverse environmental impact of economic growth
by promoting conservation measures, reducing pollution
and using clean production technologies. The objectives
of the plans and policies are to ensure that economic
growth and development take place with minimal damage
to the environment.
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At the same time, sectoral plans
and policies have been developed to address concerns
regarding agricultural land and water. Multisectoral
and multidisciplinary action plans are being implemented
to rehabilitate degraded water quality and ensure
the provision of a safe drinking water supply in
many countries of the region.
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Command and control systems
utilize the power of the State to force consumers
and producers to adhere to environmental norms and
good practices. A number of countries have used
licences and quotas to control deforestation and
regulate effluents, emissions and disposable wastes.
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Market-based fiscal incentive-disincentive
systems influence the behaviour of producers and
consumers by providing them with a choice as to
the extent and nature of responses for reducing
environmental damage and are the easiest to administer;
they also lead to revenue generation. Major market-based
instruments which have been used in the countries
of the region are environmental taxes, user charges,
targeted subsidies and deposit return systems.
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The existence of functioning
institutions and horizontal and vertical linkages
between them are crucial for formulating and implementing
effective environmental plans and policies. Although
there is room for improvement in the mechanisms
for coordination, modalities for horizontal coordination
on environmental matters already exist in many countries
in the Asia-Pacific region.
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To strengthen vertical coordination,
provincial-level environmental agencies have been
set up in many countries and local governments have
been given the responsibility of formulating and
implementing local environmental protection plans.
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Among policies directed at reducing
poverty and improving the environment, the provision
of property rights to resources such as land, water
and trees has played an important role in poverty
eradication by simultaneously providing a motivation
for resource conservation in rural areas. Social
forestry is a very effective modality for poverty
eradication and improvement of the environment,
and a large number of countries in the region have
adopted this policy to improve the environment and
simultaneously provide a means of livelihood to
the rural poor.
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Implementation of anti-corruption
measures and disaster management plans and policies
are associated with strong beneficial impacts on
the poor. Corrupt practices can be reduced by providing
quality information on the state of natural resources.
Effective publicity relating to corrupt practices,
anti-corruption laws, the existence of environmental
protection agencies and laws and ensuring that violators
of laws are punished can reduce unsustainable management
of natural resources, especially forestry resources.
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Natural calamities, such as
cyclones, typhoons, flood and mud slides, tend to
occur fairly regularly and affect many countries
in the region. These can best be managed through
the formulation of disaster management plans. The
elements of such plans are improved forecasting,
the setting-up of early warning systems and the
maintenance of uninterrupted communication between
potential disaster-prone communities/areas and Governments.
Wide publicity concerning warnings of any impending
calamity and various types of disaster preparedness
and relief measures, such as making essential goods
and services available at reasonable prices (or
for free) in disaster-struck areas, and ensuring
the timely availability of medicines and medical
assistance following a natural calamity, are other
elements of disaster management plans.
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