Brief Description of the Country and
its National/State Government Structure
Demography
Following earlier visits to Australia by European explorers in
the seventeenth century, permanent European settlement of Australia
commenced in 1788 with the establishment of a penal colony in
Sydney. To relieve its overcrowded prisons the British Government
dispatched 736 convicts to serve their sentences in this great
south-land they had recently discovered. The continent was not
empty, as indigenous Aboriginals had occupied the land for at
least 40,000 years. Estimates of the Aboriginal population when
this First Fleet of European settlers set foot on Australian soil
range from 300,000 to 1,400,000 divided into hundreds of tribes
spread around the coast and across the vast Centre. In a little
over 200 years the population has grown to a multi-cultural society
of more than 18 million people, still living mainly around the
coast and in large cities. The Indigenous Australian population
- Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders - at the 1996 census
was 352,970; Queensland having the highest numbers, closely followed
by New South Wales. Torres Strait is the small sea passage between
the northern tip of Queensland and Papua New Guinea.
Figure 1. Political Boundaries and Capital Cities
Australians are highly urbanized with 88 per cent living in cities
and towns and more than half living in the eight capital city
metropolitan areas. Size of the major cities and distribution
of the population along the East Coast is illustrated below.
Table 1. Urbanization and Major City Populations
Australia (1996)
18,427,000
Urban
88%
Rural
12%
Sydney (metropolitan)
3,500,000
Melbourne (metropolitan)
3,000,000
Brisbane (metropolitan)
1,300,000
Adelaide (metropolitan)
1,000,000
Perth (metropolitan)
1,100,000
Hobart
195,000
Darwin
80,000
Canberra
310,000
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics
Figure 2. Population Distribution (1993)
Table 2. Gross National Product and Gross Domestic
Product Per Capita (in AUS $)
Category
1992-1993
1993-1994
1994-1995
1995-1996
GNP per capita (at current prices)
$22,307
$23,449
$24,504
$25,776
GDP per capita (at current prices)
$23,027
$24,205
$25,507
$26,919
GDP per capita (at 1989/1990 average prices)
$21,622
$22,328
$23,000
$23,642
Source: Australian National Accounts
A feature of Australia's demography is its multicultural population.
While English is the official and dominant language there are
122 European and Asian languages plus 114 Indigenous Australian
languages spoken. Table 3 illustrates the impact of the aggressive
immigration programme following World War II. In 1947 one in ten
Australians had been born overseas, predominantly in Western and
Southern Europe. By 1995 closer to one in four had been born overseas
and while most still come from western and southern Europe, the
increase in immigration from the Asian Pacific region can be seen.
Larger cities such as Sydney and Melbourne have a larger percentage
of overseas-born people than smaller towns or rural areas. Many
immigrants prefer to settle in the large cities because of the
location of family and friends and employment or business opportunities.
Table 3. Main Countries of Birth of the Population
Country
1947
1954
1961
1971
1981
1991
1995
'000
'000
'000
'000
'000
'000
'000
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
541.3
664.2
755.4
1,088.3
1,175.7
1,244.3
1,210.9
New Zealand
43.6
43.4
47.0
80.5
175.7
286.4
290.1
Italy
33.6
119.9
228.3
289.5
285.3
272.0
261.4
Yugoslavia
5.9
22.9
49.8
129.8
156.1
168.0
179.8
Greece
12.3
25.9
77.3
160.2
153.2
147.4
144.7
Viet Nam
-
-
-
0.7
43.4
124.8
146.6
Germany
14.6
65.4
109.3
110.8
115.2
120.4
118.7
The Netherlands
2.2
52.0
102.1
99.3
100.5
100.9
97.7
China
6.4
10.3
14.5
17.6
26.8
84.6
92.7
The Philippines
0.1
0.2
0.4
2.6
15.8
79.1
91.8
Malaysia
-
-
-
-
-
-
91.5
Hong Kong
-
-
-
-
-
-
91.3
Total overseas
744.2
1,286.5
1,778.8
2,579.3
3,111.0
3,965.2
4,122.3
Australia
6,835.2
7,700.1
8,729.4
10,176.3
11,812.3
13,318.8
13,931.7
Total population
7,579.4
8,986.5
10,508.2
12,755.6
14,923.3
17,284.0
18,054.0
Source: Australia in Profile: Estimated Resident Population
by Country of Birth, Age and Sex
National governmental and
political structure
In 1901 Australia became a nation when the six states - separate
colonies of the then British Empire - joined as a Federation and
formulated a Constitution. Australia remains a Federation of States,
each of which retains its own constitution, government and laws.
These six states, New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, South
Australia, Western Australia and Tasmania, together with two territories,
Northern Territory and Australian Capital Territory, cover the
entire continent. The national Parliament sits in Canberra. Australia
currently has 1 national government, 8 state/territory governments
and 769 local governments.
Figure 3. Levels of Governments
Notes: 1 Includes 31 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
local government bodies. 2 Includes 5 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
local government bodies. 3 Includes 61 community government councils, incorporated
associations and special purpose towns. 4 The ACT Government undertakes many government functions.
At the Commonwealth level, the government consists of a Prime
Minister, Ministers (some in Cabinet, some not), Parliament -
made up of two houses, the House of Representatives and the Senate
- departments and numerous statutory authorities, boards, commissions,
etc. The judicial system includes the High Court, Federal Court,
Family Law Court and other judicial bodies. State governments
are similar. They have a premier, Ministers and Parliaments consisting
of two houses, except for Queensland, Northern Territory and Australian
Capital Territory, which have single-house (unicameral) Parliaments.
In the other states the houses of Parliament go by such names
as House of Assembly and Legislative Council. The Legislative
Council, like the Senate in Canberra, is termed the Upper House,
a House of Review and the House of Assembly, like the House of
Representatives at Canberra, is referred to as the Lower House
(Corbett 1992:5-6).
Australians elect 224 national politicians, 596 state/territory
politicians and more than 7000 local politicians. Politicians
in the lower houses at the national and state/territory levels
represent geographic electorates, while those in upper houses
represent a whole-of-state constituency. Voting is compulsory
in all Commonwealth and State elections. In local government,
apart from the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander councils
or community councils where the majority of councilors are Indigenous
Australians, there are only 23 elected to other local authorities
with one of them being elected as Mayor.
Table 4. Elected Representation in Commonwealth,
State and Local Governments
Parliament
Lower House
Upper House
Local Government
Commonwealth
148
76
N/A
New South Wales
99
42
1800
Victoria
88
44
590
Queensland
89
N/A
1200
Western Australia
57
34
1400
South Australia
47
22
1170
Tasmania
35
19
290
Northern Territory
25
N/A
725
Australian Capital Territory
17
N/A
N/A
Political parties
Since Federation Australia has had multi-party systems of government.
Although there are great many Australian political parties, only
four have any real prospect of regularly gaining parliamentary
places. Of these the Australian Democrats and National Party each
command a relatively small following, although the latter (formed
in 1920 as the Country Party) has been relatively successful in
participating in government through coalition with the Liberals.
Thus far the Democrats, founded in 1977, have been successful
in winning seats in the Senate. The dominance of the Australian
Labour Party (founded by trade unionists during the 1890s) and
Liberals (established in 1944 to give a voice to middle-class
Australia) is rooted in an entrenched pattern of party identification,
which, although showing recent signs of waning, still means that
nine in every ten voters regard themselves as either coalition
(Liberal/National) or Labour supporters (Ward 1995:22). This pattern
of party representation is entrenched at the national and state/territory
levels. While political parties do operate in local government,
independent politicians play a much stronger role. In many large
councils, such as Brisbane City, political parties field candidates
with, normally, one party or the other in power. In some cases
councils are made up of stridently independent local politicians.
Single-issue politicians are likely to be more successful at the
local level. Local demography also influences outcomes. As would
be expected, neither small rural communities nor upper-middle
class metropolitan suburbs are likely to be strongholds of the
Australian Labour Party.
Evolution of Local Government,
its Legal and Political Background
General systems of local government in the six states were put
in place around the middle of nineteenth century. There had been
local authorities and special incorporations in the capital cities
before that. Local Government in the Northern Territory came into
force in 1937 whereas Australian Capital Territory only achieved
self-government in 1988.
Table 5. Local Government Origins
State or territory
First settlement
Responsible government
Local authorities
Special incorporations
General systems of local government
New South Wales
1788
1855
1841
1842
(Sydney)
1858
Tasmania
1803
1856
1846
1852
(Hobart)
1858
Queensland
1824
1859
1859
(Brisbane)
1864
Northern Territory
1824
1978
1874
Palmerston (Darwin)
1937
Western Australia
1829
1890
1838
1858
(Perth)
1871
Victoria
1834
1855
1841
1842
(Melbourne)
1854
South Australia
1836
1856
1840
(Adelaide)
1861
Source: Solomon, 1993:15
Pre-colonial local governance
While the British system of local government has a relatively
short history in Australia, the country has had areas of local
governance for thousands of years. Through religion and rules
of custodianship (matrilineal descent in what is now New South
Wales), Indigenous Australians have always exercised local governance.
In a landmark decision in June 1992 the High Court of Australia
brought down a judgement other than one based on a British precedent
which abrogated the contention of Terra Nullius - land
without people - when the British arrived. Known as the Mabo Judgement,
the Court ruled that the land title of the Australian Indigenous
Peoples is recognized in common law. This Indigenous Australians'
land title, or Native Title, stems from the continuation within
common law of their rights over land which pre-date European colonization
of Australia. It was based on William the Conqueror's precedent
and the Spain versus Western Sahara ruling of the International
Court. This means that in the absence of an effective extinguishment
by the Crown, this title represents through inheritance the original
occupants' right to possession of their traditional lands in accordance
with their customs and lores. The judgement rejected the Terra
Nullius (empty land) legal fiction, bringing Australia almost
in line with remaining common law countries - the USA, Canada
and New Zealand.
Such recognition was not entirely new, Aboriginal ownership of
land had always been recognized by Britain. This is clear from
the very earliest dispatches to Australia from the British Colonial
Office, proclamations in the House of Commons and private correspondence
between officials. The clearest expression of this comes from
the 1837 House of Commons Select Committee Report on Australian
Colonies stating that the native inhabitants of any land have
an incontrovertible right to their own soil. This seems, however
not to have been understood (Reynolds 1992) or ignored.
In the 1992 Mabo judgement, two of the judges, Justices Deane
and Gaudron, argued that: "Under the laws and customs of the relevant
locality, particular [Aboriginal] tribes or clans were, either
on their own or with others, custodians of the areas of land from
which they derived sustenance and from which they often took their
tribal names. Their laws and customs were elaborate and obligatory.
The boundaries of their traditional lands were likely to be long-standing
and defined. The special relationship between a particular tribe
or clan and its land was recognized by other tribes and groups
within the relevant local native system and was reflected in differences
in dialect over relative short distances. In different ways and
to varying degrees of intensity, they used their homelands for
all the purposes of their lives: social, ritual and economic.
They identified them in a way, which transcended common law notions
of property and possession. As was the case in other British colonies,
the claim to the land was ordinarily that of the tribe or other
group, not that of an individual in his or her own right" (Reynolds
1996:11).
Constitutional position
of local government
Local government in Australia has no recognition in the national
constitution. Like the state governments themselves, local governments
are creatures of the respective State Parliaments. Section 51
of the NSW Constitution Act of 1902, for example, provides that:
"There shall continue to be a system of local government for the
State under which duly elected or duly appointed local government
bodies are constituted with responsibilities for acting for the
better government of those parts of the State that are from time
to time subject to that system of local government. The manner
in which local government bodies are constituted and the nature
and extent of their powers, authorities, duties and functions
shall be as determined by or in accordance with laws of the Legislature."
Local Government Acts have been legislated by each State Parliament
and in each case amended significantly in the 1990s. Generally
the move has been away from prescriptive legislation - what councils
can and cannot do - to providing more enabling frameworks within
which councils have some degree of discretion in initiating their
own policy directions. In most states reform of complementary
legislation has been undertaken - legislation to do with roads,
environmental planning, environmental management, public sector
ethics. This will be taken up in more detail when dealing with
central-local links. The last two decades have been a period of
significant local government reform in Australia. A snapshot of
two decades of reform identified by two Australian researchers
(Gerritson and Osborn) is shown below.
Table 6. Recent Local Government Reforms
Areas of reform
Changes between 1973 and 1995
Number of authorities
From 866 to 1,012 with establishment of Aboriginal community
councils; subsequently down to around 700 following restructuring
in many states
Functions
Defense exclusive to Commonwealth; all other purposes shared
in some measure between three spheres. General competence
powers are a feature of new principal acts in many states
Funding
Role reversal; in beginning states provide some 75 per cent
of financial assistance received by councils, now Commonwealth
is major provider. Use of borrowings has declined significantly.
Rating effort generally declined under revenue sharing arrangements,
but increased when these arrangements were replaced in 1986/7
Electoral reform
Minor, still a mix of voluntary and compulsory voting
Relations between state and local governments
Experiments with forms of best intention agreements. Not
robust enough to accommodate change in governments
Relations between Commonwealth and local governments
Strengthened by introduction of general-purpose grants and
a Commonwealth portfolio for local government. Commonwealth
advocates for national constitutional recognition and local
government representation on ministerial councils, including
peak body of leaders and representatives
Accountability
Shift from highly prescriptive and accountable to the state,
to accountable to those voting councils into office
Council performance
New principal legislation in most states mandates management
planning in some form. Trials with benchmarking and performance
indicators in some states. Introduced nationally in 1995.
Introduction of accrual accounting standards 1992-96
Commercialization
A mix of requirements in the new acts, together with adaptation
of some NZ reforms
Human resource management
EEO, award restructuring , removal of statutory qualifications;
some interest in training; establishment of national competency
standards
Source: Gerritson & Osborn 1997:81
Local Government Categories
and Hierarchies
For administrative purposes Australia has adopted a national
classification system (ACLG) for local governments based on 22
categories divided between urban and rural areas and four population
sizes. These categories are used for a range of statistical purposes,
financial grants from higher levels of government and more recently
in developing comparative benchmarks.
Urban
1
Capital city
2-5
Metropolitan developed
Small, medium, large, very large
6-9
Regional town or city
Small, medium, large, very large
10-13
Fringe
Small, medium, large, very large
Rural
14
Significant growth
15-18
Agriculture
Small, medium, large, very large
19-22
Remote
Small, medium, large, very large
The nation wide distribution of Australia's 769 councils into
the twenty-two ACLG categories is shown below.
ACLG Category
Size
Code
NSW
VIC
QLD
WA
SA
TAS
NT
Total
Urban
Capital City
UCC
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
7
Metropolitan developed
Up to 30,000
UDS
5
13
10
28
30,000-70,000
UDM
15
3
1
3
5
27
70,000-120,000
UDL
6
9
1
5
21
120,000+
UDV
7
9
1
1
18
Regional town or city
Up to 30,000
URS
16
13
8
9
15
5
3
69
30,000-70,000
URM
17
8
6
1
3
35
70,000-120,000
URL
1
3
4
8
120,000+
URV
3
1
1
5
Fringe
Up to 30,000
UFS
1
1
1
1
4
1
1
10
30,000-70,000
UFM
2
3
3
6
2
16
70,000-120,000
UFL
3
4
3
1
1
12
120,000+
UFV
5
2
1
1
9
Rural
Significant growth
RGS
6
9
9
6
2
1
33
Agriculture
Up to 2,000
RAS
5
15
52
32
2
106
2,001-5,000
RAM
38
32
18
24
3
115
5,001-10,000
RAL
25
8
11
2
6
8
60
10,001-20,000
RAV
19
13
13
2
1
4
1
53
Remote
Up to 400
RTX
1
20
4
4
29
58
401-1,000
RTS
16
4
23
43
1,001-3,000
RTM
1
7
8
1
9
26
3,001-20,000
RTL
1
3
5
1
10
Total
178
78
156
142
118
29
68
769
Source: National Office of Local Government, Local Government National
Report, AGPS (Canberra 1997)
The majority of Australian local governments are small in terms
of population. More than three-quarters have less than 30,000
people. In such a highly urbanized society there are many huge
councils by area with tiny populations. For example three NSW
councils, Bourke, Cobar and Central Darling, cover the same area
as the Indonesian Island of Java, but the respective populations
are about 12,000 and 95,000,000. Local government, primarily in
the sparsely populated Centre, does not even cover about one quarter
of the country.
Figure 4. Size of Local Governments
Local Government Functions
The 1995-1996 Local Government National Reportof the
National Office of Local Government provides an overview of the
roles and functions of local government: "Local government has
a governance role, a service delivery role, a planning and community
development role and a regulatory role". The scope of local government
powers and functions varies from state to state. Councils conduct
business and provide services according to local needs and the
prescriptions of the various local government acts. The following
are examples of local government functions and services:
Engineering (public works design, construction
and maintenance - e.g. roads, bridges, footpaths, drainage -
cleaning, waste collection and management);
Health (water sampling, food sampling,
immunization, toilets, noise control, meat inspection and animal
control);
Community services (child care, elderly
care and accommodation, refuge facilities, meals on wheels,
counseling and welfare);
Building (inspection, licensing, certification
and enforcement);
Planning and development approval;
Administration (aerodromes, quarries,
cemeteries, parking stations and street parking);
Cultural/educational (libraries, art
galleries and museums);
Utilities (in some states electricity,
gas, water, sewerage, transport, etc.); and
Other (abattoirs, sale-yards, markets
and group purchasing schemes).
Compared with many countries, local government in Australia has
a relatively narrow range of functions. For instance, it does
not take general responsibility for the provision of services
such as education and policing. This, in part, is due to historical
factors, including the fact the local government traditionally
derives the bulk of its revenue from rates on property. As a result,
functions and services are heavily oriented to property, particularly
outside the major metropolitan centres. Many functions with direct
impact on people, which could be undertaken effectively by local
government, are provided through parastatal agencies or Quasi
Non-Governmental Organizations (QUANGO) established and controlled
by state governments. Some parastatals are large infrastructure
organizations such as Sydney's water and electricity authorities.
Others, such as total catchment management trusts or Rural Lands
Boards, are smaller and regional. A constant criticism is that
not only do they bypass local government altogether, there is
frequently no coordination between them. State government legislation
has recently established regional waste management boards for
metropolitan Sydney and surrounding regions. Although local government
has representation on the boards they are responsible to NSW Government.
Non-elected parastatal agencies, the so-called QUANGOs, are on
the increase.
Obligatory functions and
processes
While local governments do not have autonomous general-purpose
powers, recent changes to legislation have provided greater discretion
in what they may do, circumscribed always by the functions and
powers of higher levels of government. A council may exercise
discretion provided it is within the ambit of the respective local
government legislation and does not move beyond the powers and
functions of the state or Commonwealth governments. In each state/territory
the applicable legislation does impose obligations on what councils
must do, for example; regulatory controls over land and building,
prosecutions against breaches of the legislation. Obligatory processes
are as important as obligatory functions. In their operations
councils are obliged to be open and accountable to their communities,
to protect the environment and to have regard to the long term
and cumulative effects of its decisions.
Legislation imposes requirements for declaration of pecuniary
and other vested interests. The possibility of conflict between
public duty and private interest has been the subject of much
attention recently. Possibilities of conflicts of interest are
considered to arise in tendering and purchasing, staff recruitment,
secondary employment, gifts, benefits and hospitality, planning
approvals, licensing, business interests of elected officials
and election support. In fact, reform of processes of local government
has dominated the reform agenda in recent years. Codes of conduct
have been introduced for local government, similar to those for
states, territories and the national government.
In New South Wales and Queensland concern to maintain ethical
practice in the public sector has given rise to the creation of
the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) and the
Queensland Criminal Justice Commission (CJC). Both bodies have
dual roles of investigating and prosecuting corrupt behaviour
in the public sector and implementing prevention measures such
as education programmes and codes of conduct. The jurisdictions
of both bodies extend to both elected representatives and appointed
staff. Members of council - elected or appointed - and members
of the public may refer a matter to the corruption authority.
If, after preliminary investigation, the matter warrants, a full
investigation will be undertaken and prosecution may follow.
Local government elections
Communities elect their own local government councilors. The
form of election, whether it is compulsory or voluntary and the
length of term vary from state to state but are usually three
or four years. Mayors of individual councils may be elected popularly
or by the other councilors. A popularly elected Mayor normally
serves for the full term of the council, while mayoral elections
from within the councilors are annual. There are no limits to
the number of terms for Mayors elected under either system. Except
for a few very large councils, Mayors and especially councilors
are working part times. Tribunals establish the remuneration a
local authority can pay its Mayor and councilors. Their work is
onerous and demands excessive, giving rise to complaints when
they compare themselves to their full-time state and Commonwealth
counterparts. With the advent of council/city manager models the
role of Mayors has changed, leading to tensions between the political
and administrative arms in the system. The Mayor is no longer
the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of council's operations, that
authority now resides with the general manager appointed by full
council. This has been a difficult adjustment for some Mayors,
particularly when they had been Mayor or CEO prior to recent legislative
changes. For some local politicians it remains a fundamental issue
of local representative democracy. In most cases however, astute
general managers have learned to work harmoniously with the political
arm of council.
Table 8. Local Government Elections
State or territory
Voting system
Compulsory level
Next elections
Term
NSW
The voting system in a contested election of
a councilor or councilors is:
a) optional preferential, if the number of councilors to be
elected is 1 or 2
b) proportional, if the number of councilors to be elected
is 3 or more
Voting is compulsory.
1999
4 years
VIC
The voting system is exhaustive preferential
(subject to one partial exception). Voting may be either by
postal voting only or may involve a combination of postal.
Pre-poll and attendance voting.
Voting is compulsory for enrolled residents but
non-compulsory for enrolled non-residents (generally owners
or occupiers of businesses and owners of residences residing
a different municipal district).
1997
Elections are either on a triennial basis or
an annual basis (the latter involving approximately a third
of councilors retiring each year with three years as the maximum
term arising from election)
QLD
Voting is either by optional preferential method
(for 20 local governments divided into single-member electoral
divisions) or by first past the post (for 105 local governments
which are undivided for electoral purposes or have multi-member
divisions).
Voting is compulsory.
1997
3 years
SA
South Australia currently has 118 councils of
which 64 councils use preferential voting and 54 councils
use optional preferential voting.
Voting is voluntary with turn out for the last
elections averaging about 28 per cent
1997
3 years
WA
Last May the elections were exhaustive preferential.
Next May they will be first past the post. The possibility
of introducing postal voting is being looked at, with cost
being the issue to resolve.
Voting is voluntary. The 1996 turn out was only
10 per cent.
1998
4 year terms ( half number elected every two
years)
TAS
And is the modified Hare Clark system (same as
in State elections). Tasmanian legislation requires councils
to use a postal vote system. A postal vote ballot form is
issued to all electors. Electors are all those people on the
State House of Assembly Electoral roll for each municipal
area along with an electoral roll prepared by the Council
to include all electors that own property but do not reside
within the municipal area.
Voting is voluntary. In elections in 1996 the
turn-out was 59 per cent
1998
(under review) currently 4 year terms (half elected
every two years)
NT
The full preferential system applies in the NT
Voting is compulsory in fully incorporated local
government areas. In community councils (largely, but not
always, remote Aboriginal), where the statutory obligations
are not as rigid, the voting system depends on the circumstances
or decisions of the community.